The Influence of Family Socio-economic Status on Learning Burnout in Adolescents: Mediating and Moderating Effects
Yun LuoZhenhong WangEmail authorHui ZhangAihong Chen
Original Paper
First Online: 22 March 2016
Abstract
According to family investment theory, a familyrsquo;s socio-economic status can have a noteworthy impact on the academic performance and future lives of adolescents. However, the mechanism for this remains poorly understood. We examined the mediating and moderating effects of family emotional and cultural environment on the relations between family socio-economic status and learning burnout. Specifically, we investigated whether different family emotional environments have a moderating effect on the relationship between family socio-economic status and learning burnout and on the mediating effect of family cultural environment. A sample of 1181 junior and senior high school students completed multidimensional measures of family socioeconomic status, family emotional and cultural environment, and learning burnout. A regression analysis showed that socio-economic status significantly predicted learning burnout. The achievement, cultural, and recreational dimensions of family cultural environment were all mediators of this relationship. Moreover, cultural dimension was moderated by the family conflicts factor of family emotional environment.
Introduction
Socio-economic status refers to the social position of an individual or specific group as defined by their possession of social resources (Schouml;llgen et al. 2011). The main indicators of family socio-economic status are the familyrsquo;s economic income and parentsrsquo; educational level and occupation (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Crosnoe et al. 2012). The development of children and adolescents is closely associated with their familyrsquo;s socio-economic status. Low socio-economic status has a direct bearing on childrenrsquo;s physical health (Evans and English 2002; Ackerman et al. 2004) as well as their perceptions and academic progress (Ackerman et al. 2004; Evans and Kim 2007). Learning burnout, as one of important factors influencing studentsrsquo; academic progress, refers to a negative emotional, attitudinal, and behavioral response to stress arising from a failure to cope with academic pressure or solve learning problems (Frydenberg et al. 2004; Salmela-Aro et al. 2009; Tuominen-Soini and Salmela-Aro 2014). Learning burnout can lead to a number of adverse outcomes, including underachievement, truancy, and school dropout (Huebner et al. 2000; Rudolph et al. 2001; Vasalampi et al. 2009). Thus, it is necessary to investigate the relationship between family socio-economic status and learning burnout, particularly the potential mediating mechanism underlying this relationship.
According to family investment theory, familiesrsquo; socio-economic status is a comprehensive reflection of their overall economic, labor, and social capital. Accordingly, a family with a high socio-economic status presumably has in its possession abundant capital to invest in the development of their children. In this way, when a familyrsquo;s socio-economic status is higher, they have a greater capacity to provide conditions and stimuli favorable to childrenrsquo;s learning. Conversely, children from low socio-economic status families would have fewer educational opportunities because of a lack of such conditions/stimuli (Conger and Donnellan 2007). Because these childrenrsquo;s education would be hampered by greater resistance from their family and poorer access to educational resources and experiences, such children are more likely to lack motivation for learning (Matthews and Gallo 2011). Studies carried out in other countries have confirmed a close connection between a familyrsquo;s socio-economic status and learning burnout. For instance, children from families with low socio-economic status tend to assume a negative attitude towards learning (Terenzini et al. 2001; Randolph et al. 2006).
However, in China, it is unclear whether this relationship between family socio-economic status and learning burnout would be the same as in other countries, due to its unique educational context. In China, for over 1300 years, government officials have been selected through national examinations (Zheng 2009). Passing a competitive examination has long been the only pathway for Chinese students from poverty-stricken families to secure a better path in life. This has continued into the modern era—for instance, the initial mission of the National College Entrance Examination (NCEE) was to ensure that such students have the opportunity to enter higher education. Before the 1990s, college graduates enjoyed high social statuses and were guaranteed to have tenured jobs. However, with the development of the market economy, the gross enrolment ratio of higher education institutions increased from 17 % in 2003 to 37.5 % in 2014, and the acceptance rate has increased from around 5 % throughout the 1977s to 74.5 % in 2014. Although the NCEE is no longer responsible for selecting civil officials and no longer guarantees job placement, a college diploma is still necessary for obtaining a good job in China. Thus, some scholars have argued that the NCEE provides lower social classes or students from disadvantaged areas the opportunity to change their social status and improve their lives (Haifeng 2015). With the current increasing polarization between the wealthy and poor, the NCEE is also seen as an important factor for maintaining social stability, in that it “relieves the discontent” of the lower social classes (Zheng 2008). Given Chinarsquo;s distinctive cultural context, it should be clarified whether learning burnout is indeed influenced by socio-economic status, as it is possible that adolescents from low socio-economic status families are less likely to have learning burnout because they cherish the learning opportunities more.
Recently, a few studies have exam
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家庭社会经济状况对青少年学习倦怠的影响：中介与调节效应
作者：张辉、陈爱虹
摘要：根据家庭投资理论，一个家庭的社会经济地位可以对青少年的学业表现和未来生活产生显著的影响。然而，这一机制仍知之甚少。研究了家庭情感文化环境对家庭经济社会地位与学习倦怠的中介作用和调节作用。具体而言，我们研究了不同家庭情绪环境对家庭社会经济地位与学习倦怠的关系以及家庭文化环境的中介作用是否具有调节作用。1181名初中和高中学生完成了家庭经济社会地位、家庭情感和文化环境、学习倦怠的多维测量。回归分析显示社会经济状况显著预测学习倦怠。家庭文化环境的成就、文化和娱乐维度都是这种关系的中介。此外，家庭情感环境的家庭冲突因素也影响了文化维度。
介绍
jiegrave;介 shagrave;o绍
Socio-economic status refers to the social position of an individual or specific group as defined by their possession of social resources (Schouml;llgen et al. 2011). The main indicators of family socio-economic status are the familyrsquo;s economic income and parentsrsquo; educational level and occupation (Bradley and Corwyn 2002; Crosnoe et al. 2012). The development of children and adolescents is closely associated with their familyrsquo;s socio-economic status. Low socio-economic status has a direct bearing on childrenrsquo;s physical health (Evans and English 2002; Ackerman et al. 2004) as well as their perceptions and academic progress (Ackerman et al. 2004; Evans and Kim 2007). Learning burnout, as one of important factors influencing studentsrsquo; academic progress, refers to a negative emotional, attitudinal, and behavioral response to stress arising from a failure to cope with academic pressure or solve learning problems (Frydenberg et al. 2004; Salmela-Aro et al. 2009; Tuominen-Soini and Salmela-Aro 2014). Learning burnout can lead to a number of adverse outcomes, including underachievement, truancy, and school dropout (Huebner et al. 2000; Rudolph et al. 2001; Vasalampi et al. 2009). Thus, it is necessary to investigate the relationship between family socio-economic status and learning burnout, particularly the potential mediating mechanism underlying this relationship.
社会经济地位是指个人或特定群体所拥有的社会资源所界定的社会地位（SCH奥尔根等人）。2011）。家庭的社会经济地位的主要指标是家庭的经济收入和父母的教育水平和职业（布拉德利和Cordyn 2002；Counnet等人）。2012）。儿童和青少年的发展与其家庭的社会经济地位密切相关。低社会经济地位直接关系到儿童的身体健康（伊万斯和英国2002；阿克曼等）。2004）以及他们的看法和学术进步（阿克曼等）。2004；伊万斯和基姆2007）。学习倦怠是影响学生学业进步的重要因素之一，是指因应付学业压力或解决学习问题而产生的对压力的消极情绪、态度和行为反应（FrydBurg等）。2004；Salela ARO等。2009；Tuominen Soini和萨尔梅拉-阿罗2014）。学习倦怠会导致一些不良后果，包括学业不良、旷课和辍学（Hubnne等）。2000；鲁道夫等人。2001、VasalAMPI等。2009）。因此，有必要研究家庭经济社会地位与学习倦怠之间的关系，尤其是潜在的中介机制。
shegrave;社 huigrave;会 jīng经 jigrave;济 digrave;地 wegrave;i位 shigrave;是 zhǐ指 gegrave;个 reacute;n人 huograve;或 tegrave;特 digrave;ng定 quacute;n群 tǐ体 suǒ所 yōng拥 yǒu有 de的 shegrave;社 huigrave;会 zī资 yuaacute;n源 suǒ所 jiegrave;界 digrave;ng定 de的 shegrave;社 huigrave;会 digrave;地 wegrave;i位 （ S C H agrave;o奥 ěr尔 gēn根 děng等 reacute;n人 ） 。 2 0 1 1 ） 。 jiā家 tiacute;ng庭 de的 shegrave;社 huigrave;会 jīng经 jigrave;济 digrave;地 wegrave;i位 de的 zhǔ主 yagrave;o要 zhǐ指 biāo标 shigrave;是 jiā家 tiacute;ng庭 de的 jīng经 jigrave;济 shōu收 rugrave;入 heacute;和 fugrave;父 mǔ母 de的 jiagrave;o教 yugrave;育 shuǐ水 piacute;ng平 heacute;和 zhiacute;职 yegrave;业 （ bugrave;布 lā拉 deacute;德 ligrave;利 heacute;和 C o r d y n 2 0 0 2 ； C o u n n e t děng等 reacute;n人 ） 。 2 0 1 2 ） 。 eacute;r儿 toacute;ng童 heacute;和 qīng青 shagrave;o少 niaacute;n年 de的 fā发 zhǎn展 yǔ与 qiacute;其 jiā家 tiacute;ng庭 de的 shegrave;社 huigrave;会 jīng经 jigrave;济 digrave;地 wegrave;i位 migrave;密 qiegrave;切 xiāng相 guān关 。 dī低 shegrave;社 huigrave;会 jīng经 jigrave;济 digrave;地 wegrave;i位 zhiacute;直 jiē接 guān关 xi系 dagrave;o到 eacute;r儿 toacute;ng童 de的 shēn身 tǐ体 jiagrave;n健 kāng康 （ yī伊 wagrave;n万 sī斯 heacute;和 yīng英 guoacute;国 2 0 0 2 ； ā阿 kegrave;克 magrave;n曼 děng等 ） 。 2 0 0 4 ） yǐ以 jiacute;及 tā他 men们 de的 kagrave;n看 fǎ法 heacute;和 xueacute;学 shugrave;术 jigrave;n进 bugrave;步 （ ā阿 kegrave;克 magrave;n曼 děng等 ） 。 2 0 0 4 ； yī伊 wagrave;n万 sī斯 heacute;和 jī基 mǔ姆 2 0 0 7 ） 。 xueacute;学 xiacute;习 juagrave;n倦 dagrave;i怠 shigrave;是 yǐng影 xiǎng响 xueacute;学 sheng生 xueacute;学 yegrave;业 jigrave;n进 bugrave;步 de的 zhograve;ng重 yagrave;o要 yīn因 sugrave;素 zhī之 yī一 ， shigrave;是 zhǐ指 yīn因 yigrave;ng应 fu付 xueacute;学 yegrave;业 yā压 ligrave;力 huograve;或 jiě解 jueacute;决 xueacute;学 xiacute;习 wegrave;n问 tiacute;题 eacute;r而 chǎn产 shēng生 de的 duigrave;对 yā压 ligrave;力 de的 xiāo消 jiacute;极 qiacute;ng情 xugrave;绪 、 tagrave;i态 du度 heacute;和 xiacute;ng行 weacute;i为 fǎn反 yigrave;ng应 （ F r y d B u r g děng等 ） 。 2 0 0 4 ； S a l e l a A R O děng等 。 2 0 0 9 ； T u o m i n e n S o i n i heacute;和 sagrave;萨 ěr尔 meacute;i梅 lā拉 - ā阿 luoacute;罗 2 0 1 4 ） 。 xueacute;学 xiacute;习 juagrave;n倦 dagrave;i怠 huigrave;会 dǎo导 zhigrave;致 yī一 xiē些 bugrave;不 liaacute;ng良 hograve;u后 guǒ果 ， bāo包 kuograve;括 xueacute;学 yegrave;业 bugrave;不 liaacute;ng良 、 kuagrave;ng旷 kegrave;课 heacute;和 chuograve;辍 xueacute;学 （ H u b n n e děng等 ） 。 2 0 0 0 ； lǔ鲁 dagrave;o道 fū夫 děng等 reacute;n人 。 2 0 0 1 、 V a s a l A M P I děng等 。 2 0 0 9 ） 。 yīn因 cǐ此 ， yǒu有 bigrave;必 yagrave;o要 yaacute;n研 jiū究 jiā家 tiacute;ng庭 jīng经 jigrave;济 shegrave;社 huigrave;会 digrave;地 wegrave;i位 yǔ与 xueacute;学 xiacute;习 juagrave;n倦 dagrave;i怠 zhī之 jiān间 de的 guān关 xi系 ， yoacute;u尤 qiacute;其 shigrave;是 qiaacute;n潜 zagrave;i在 de的 zhōng中 jiegrave;介 jī机 zhigrave;制 。
According to family investment theory, familiesrsquo; socio-economic status is a comprehensive reflection of their overall economic, labor, and social capital. Accordingly, a family with a high socio-economic status presumably has in its possession abundant capital to invest in the development of their children. In this way, when a familyrsquo;s socio-economic status is higher, they have a greater capacity to provide conditions and stimuli favorable to childrenrsquo;s learning. Conversely, children from low socio-economic status families would have fewer educational opportunities because of a lack of such conditions/stimuli (Conger and Donnellan 2007). Because these childrenrsquo;s education would be hampered by greater resistance from their family and poorer access to educational resources and experiences, such children are more likely to lack motivation for learning (Matthews and Gallo 2011). Studies carried out in other countries have confirmed a close connection between a familyrsquo;s socio-economic status and learning burnout. For instance, children from families with low socio-economic status tend to assume a negative attitude towards learning (Terenzini et al. 2001; Randolph et al. 2006).
根据家庭投资理论，家庭的社会经济地位是其整体经济、劳动和社会资本的综合反映。因此，一个具有较高社会经济地位的家庭大概拥有雄厚的资本来投资于他们的孩子的发展。这样，当一个家庭的社会经济地位较高时，他们有能力提供有利于儿童学习的条件和刺激。相反，来自低社会经济地位家庭的儿童由于缺乏这样的条件/刺激，会有更少的教育机会（康格和唐纳纶2007）。因为这些孩子的教育将受到来自家庭的更大阻力和教育资源和经验的缺乏的阻碍，这些孩子更可能缺乏学习的动机（马休斯和加洛2011）。在其他国家进行的研究证实了家庭的社会经济地位与学习倦怠之间有着密切的联系。例如，来自社会经济地位低的家庭的孩子倾向于对学习持否定态度（Terenzini等）。2001；伦道夫等人。2006）。
然而，在中国，由于其独特的教育背景，目前还不清楚家庭经济社会地位与学习倦怠之间的关系是否与其他国家相同。在中国，超过1300年，政府官员已通过国家考试（郑2009）选择。长期以来，通过竞争考试是中国贫困家庭学生走上更好道路的唯一途径。这一直延续到现代，例如，全国高考（NCEE）的最初任务是确保这些学生有机会进入高等教育。在20世纪90年代以前，大学毕业生享有较高的社会地位，并保证有终身工作。然而，随着市场经济的发展，高校的毛入学率从2003的17%提高到2014的37.5%，接受率从1977年的5%左右提高到2014的74.5%。尽管NCEE不再负责选拔公务员，也不再保证就业，但大学文凭仍然是在中国获得一份好工作所必需的。因此，一些学者认为，NCEE提供较低的社会阶层或来自贫困地区的学生改变他们的社会地位和改善他们的生活的机会（海丰2015）。随着当前贫富两极分化的加剧，NCEE也被视为维持社会稳定的重要因素，即“减轻社会阶层的不满”（郑2008）。鉴于中国独特的文化背景，应该明确学习倦怠是否确实受社会经济地位的影响，因为低社会经济地位家庭的青少年不太可能有学习倦怠，因为他们珍惜学习机会。更多。
Recently, a few studies have examined the influenc
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